Current Affairs

- Munir Zaman

During the Awami League rule in the nineties there was pervasive corruption at different levels of government coupled with routine acts of terror and extortion by politically supported god-fathers. These had become one of the major areas of social concerns. The October 2001 general election returned BNP to the parliament with an overwhelming majority of the seats.

In an address to the nation on 19 October 2001 the BNP Chairman declared: “We shall publish the initial reports on corruption indulged in by the members of the Awami League government. I also warn the elected members of Parliament from BNP and four party alliances that I shall take immediate action on report of corruption against you and that will be fair and exemplary.”

After a year or so, the initial enthusiasm for tough measures against corruption began to wane. A few of the younger party leaders close to the Prime Minister began to throw their weight around both the administration and the business community. Businessmen having interest in an ongoing or prospective project began to frequently visit the ‘place’ where deals were finalized.. Newspaper reports were often full of ‘evidences’ of their wrong-doing and these fed the public perception of what was wrong with the government.

Why did a national leader whose party had comprehensively won the election let the people close to her to engage in money making through extortion and grossly corrupt methods? And who permitted bands of musclemen to silence or remove by explicit threats or violence any uncomfortable opposition? Some reflection on the nexus between corruption and power politics in Bangladesh may provide the clue.

Awami League is one of the oldest political parties and had built up material resources and manpower over the years to support its political activities. When in opposition, it has the capacity to call general strikes at will and to paralyze the administration. Founded in 1979, BNP is a relative late comer in the political arena. With the widowed Khaleda Zia as the chairperson, it had rapidly developed, in the eighties, as a political force the during the anti-autocracy movement against the military ruler Ershad.

During their first term in office, Khaleda Zia’s BNP was greeted by Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League with frequent general strikes and prolonged boycott of the parliament. BNP administration was substantially ineffective and was prone to take hesitant or ill advised steps against such political actions. It is possible that some BNP leaders eventually came to the conclusion that the party should be reorganized on a strong footing, acquire sufficient muscle power to deal with a resourceful and combative political opponent. It was also quite likely that Awami League was so shocked at their loss in the elections, after the fall of Ershad that they had come to similar conclusion to deal with their opponents.

Party based politics and election campaigns are expensive activities. Large sums of money are expended on mobilizing public demonstration for a candidate seeking party nomination, holding a mass rally, securing extensive media coverage and engaging in various activities in order to reach an understanding with influential individuals or groups. Hence adequate funds must be raised by any means.*

Fund raising for meeting party or campaign needs through corrupt means exacts its own price. What began initially as a device to tide over an immediate short-fall of resources for elections soon turned into a contagious disease. Large sums of money, obtained by peddling influences or pressurizing administration to award a project contract in favor of a particular bidder, are kept in local banks under fictitious names or transferred to a foreign account. Funds in such accounts are valued for the high degree of freedom in their use. If these were kept in the party’s declared accounts they would be subject to audit and operational rules thus precluding much needed secrecy about the transaction. Very soon the party or campaign needs become secondary issue. The private needs of enriching oneself become the main objective.

It is obvious that weak law enforcement helps expand corruption in the society. The requirement of rule of law does not end with a evenhanded court judgment on the case, but involves fair and competent investigation and firm enforcement after the trial has been completed. It was felt that Anti Corruption Bureau was not adequately impartial largely due to political interference. A law creating an independent Anti Corruption Commission (ACC) was enacted in 2004 but was not fully implemented. The present caretaker government has put a senior retired army officer, General Hasan Moshud Chowdhury as the head of ACC. According to a report appearing on 18 May, 2008, so far in some eighty four cases instituted by the ACC, 102 persons had been convicted. Only 12 cases have been dismissed and 27 persons acquitted. Of the total of 84 convicted, 76 are from political parties and rest of the convictions involves businessman, police officials, civil servants and professionals.

However number of cases being investigated by ACC far exceeds the number of those so far disposed off by the court. There is a lingering suspicion that the Commission might have cast its net too wide. Its task should not be greater than what it can chew. Secondly, There is a continuing need for convincing demonstration of its fairness and independence in its investigation process and to build up a public perception that is not acting under any pressure or that it is biased. The present ACC Chairman seems to be aware of the need to create a good image for the Commission. His frequent exhortation may in fact help contribute to making the wider public more actively censorious.

In a comprehensive anti corruption strategy attention needs to be given to the following:

1) There should be a legislated ceiling on party and campaign funding for all elections. It is understood that the Election Commission presently is trying to persuade the political parties to accept that a maximum of Tk. 15 lacs as expenses for a candidate for the a parliamentary seat should suffice.

2) Encouraging the political parties to democratize the party organization and command structure.

3) Recreating a merit based and politically neutral higher bureaucracy working in a legal framework of check and balance.

4) Substantial reduction in the size of the presently ill-paid bureaucracy and initiation of move towards well-paid, highly trained civil service with capacity to undertake e-governance.

5) Enforcing transparency and accountability in government decisions.

6) Strengthening rule of law and enforcing observance of a code of conduct not only by judges at different levels, but also by the members of the legal profession. The authority for enforcement must rest with higher judiciary.

*The following scenario may give an indication of some of the expenses.
On the eve of a general election numerous party campaign booths are set up by the contending parties. Four or five young party workers are engaged in contacting the voters and seek their votes in favor of a particular party and its chosen candidate. The booths are usually fitted with a loud speaker, a CD player or some similar equipments and a few wooden furniture for use of the party workers. The number of such booths in a constituency may be between 700 and 1000. Assuming that the booths function for a week till the election date, the cost of election campaign on this account alone may be Tk. 3 to 4 million. While a rough a estimate can be made in a case described in the above scenario, large transaction involving a business group, the party leader(s) and an influential person or group are more difficult, though not impossible, to prove because of the accompanying secrecy which leaves little material evidence.